By Ali Afshari
Former Member of the Central Council of the Office for Consolidation of Unity; Iranian Affairs Expert
The Iranian presidential election has become the focus of the nation, with observers – both in Iran and abroad – watching closely to see whether President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad will be re-elected or whether there will be a change of government. Amid this atmosphere, the election has found a unique place in universities, which are considered the main venues for reform in Iran. Students, as essential drivers of change, view the upcoming election as an opportunity to improve their current conditions. Unlike previous elections, the student movement has a more positive and pragmatic approach in the lead up to the June 12 polls, with the majority opting to participate actively. Having said that, Iran’s student body – as a whole – is still hopelessly ambivalent towards the election.
Student movements in Iran can basically be categorized into four groups. The first group consists of advocates for democracy – namely the Office for Consolidating Unity (Tahkeem’eh Vahdat) and the Students’ Islamic Associations – who represent the largest dissident student population in the country. This group, which participated in election boycotts previously, is interested in taking part in the 2009 presidential election. The Students’ Islamic Associations of 50 universities point to the poor record of the Ahmadinejad administration in education and the economy, as well as other failures in social and cultural fronts, and are asking the nation to reject him. The movement views reform as the pivotal path toward democracy, but does not necessarily believe that this election will result in an administration with the capacity or ability to implement a wide-ranging reform agenda. At the same time, the group believes that more moderate members of the regime holding executive positions would provide a more fertile ground for the peaceful transition of Iran to a civil and democratic society.
While the group has aligned itself with the reformist candidates, it has not yet decided whether to support Mir-Hossein Mousavi or Mehdi Karroubi. Following its general assembly meeting, Tahkeem’eh Vahdat wrote a letter to the reformist candidates asking them to explain their positions on students’ demands. The group’s endorsement will be based upon its assessment of each candidate’s response and his plan to address student concerns; it is anticipated that Karroubi is more likely to win the students’ votes and support. Some of the highlights of students’ demands include:
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The abolition of quotas regarding sex and locality for entrance to all state universities.
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Review and reconsideration of all disciplinary verdicts rendered to students during the last four years and reinstating of expelled students, with proper conditions for their return to classes.
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Reconsideration in the status of all student organizations that were shut down in the last few years and an emphasis on the right of dissent.
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Serious review and modification of the disciplinary articles of students associations, unions, publications under the advice of the faculty and student activists.
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Review and reconsideration of the status of the entire faculty who have been expelled, or forced to retire, and the need to hire only qualified teachers and professors.
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The election of university presidents by vote of committees comprised of students, professors, and other university employees.
The second group within the student movement is the progressive Islamists who are moderates and usually support reformist and religious nationalists. Members of this group are typically members of the students’ branches of political parties, such as the Freedom Movement (Nehzat Azadi) and the Islamic Iran Participation Front (Hezbe Mosharekat), and they consistently encourage youth to vote. During this election, this group supports Mousavi, who it views as the candidate for positive change and social improvements.
The third group consists of leftists who are known for their struggle for equal rights and liberty. Most have Marxist-Leninist tendencies. Following a rapid growth in numbers in the last several years, lately their numbers have drastically declined. The leftists have been silent about the election, and so far, have not endorsed anyone.
Pro-government students form the last student movement group. Members of this group are characterized by absolute support for the Supreme Leader and the regime leadership; deep belief in the theocracy; anti-Western views; traditional social values; and a lack of support for democracy. The Paramilitary Students (Basij Daneshjooyi) and the Islamic Society of Students (Jameh Islami Daneshjooyan) are the two main factions that make up this group. The Student Basij shares offices and structures with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), which openly supports Ahmadinejad. They consider his reelection a reinforcement of revolutionary values and Islam, and a defeat for foreign enemies, especially the United States.
The Islamic Society of Students and the Islamic Coalition Party (Jamiate Moatalefeh Islami) are strategically united, and they both strongly support the conservative camp. The Islamic Society of Students, in line with its allies, has thrown its support behind Ahmadinejad, who it views as following the Supreme Leader’s school of thought and as having done more for the poor than other governments before his.
One needs to wait until the very last days before the election to predict which candidate is most likely to win the votes of the Iranian electorate as a whole. But a close look at the student movements reveals where their votes will go: Mousavi will receive the highest number of student votes, followed by Ahmadinejad, Karroubi, and finally, conservative candidate Mohsen Rezai.
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Published on May 21, 2009