By Masih Alinejad
When the seasons change, people around the world think about changing their wardrobe: the most beautiful boots and chicest jacket for fall and winter; hip clothing made with cool, light-weight materials for spring and summer. In Iran, however, the personal choice of clothing is a public matter for the Islamic State – leading to public indecision over what is “appropriate” and available for choice as the seasons change. Personal decisions on hats, boots, short sleeves, etc. can sometimes land violators in short-term detention, and they may be required to provide an official guarantee for their release.
Much like the passing of the yearly seasons, elections seasons in many countries are a time for personal choice and change. People ask each other, “Who are you going to vote for?” By contrast, for the Iranian people election seasons bring the question of which candidates are in “fashion” and whether they have a choice – leading them to ask each other not for whom they will vote, but whether they will vote at all.
As the candidates line up along reformist and conservative lines – former President Mohammad Khatami and former parliament speaker Mehdi Karroubi on the left and current President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, mayor of Tehran Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, former Revolutionary Forces Admiral Mohsen Rezai, and Minister of Labor Mohammad Jahromi on the right – the public is critically observing the excitement. As they watch the elections from the sidelines, the people are dividing into several groups.
The first group comprises people who believe that it will be just as hard to choose a candidate as it is to choose their clothing. They are fed up with the entire political situation and believe that, regardless of who wins the election, change will not come to their lives. This group includes the vast majority of the youth electorate whose primary concerns are freedom to choose their own clothing, music, religion, and drinks and to have free relationships with boys and girls in cafes and clubs. They believe that neither the reformist candidates nor the conservative candidates can secure their beloved freedom by coming to power. This group does not have an official platform in the government and non-governmental media, since their needs are incompatible with the religious laws and regulations of the Islamic Republic. Consequently this group’s opinions only appear in the foreign broadcasting media. Neither reformists nor conservatives mention any support for this group in local media, and it is said that this groups does not even exist.
The second group consists of those who watch the election with skepticism. They criticize the method and process of the election and are hesitant about participating. University students, the labor movement, women rights activists, and civil society activists are among these skeptics who, while they believe in change, also believe that there can be no truly democratic election as long as the Guardian Council retains power over who may run in the election. This group also believes that the military and the Revolutionary Guards influence and threaten the credibility of the election. They see no guarantee that the election will be fair or that their votes will be secure. They voice their criticisms, however, very quietly to avoid the closure of their publications by the government. While their stated position is that they will not participate in the election if a large number of reformists are eliminated by the Guardian Council, as has previously happened, they have never officially declared a boycott of the election.
A third group is formed mostly from the political parties and has numerous representatives from both the reformist and conservative groups. While its members and candidates have begun political tours of various cities and provinces, aggressively pursuing their agendas by organizing meetings and campaigns throughout the country, this group hardly attempts to persuade people to participate in the upcoming election.
Within this group, the reformists’ representatives, unlike their conservative counterparts, face roadblocks. Political campaigns like the “The Third Wave” youth movement are denied meeting space. Candidates like Khatami are not permitted to publish a newspaper, and, as a result, news of their events is not broadcast publicly. Consequently, people in small towns are not aware of their meetings. Given the lack of comprehensive media coverage, it is vital for reformist candidates to engage in face-to-face interactions with people during their provincial trips. Other candidates, like Karroubi, are prevented from making public speeches. In the northern city of Gorgan, university officials where Karroubi was supposed to deliver a speech disagreed with his plan and closed the doors on students. Representatives of the Supreme Leader, Ahmadinejad’s cabinet and the Dean of the school were supposed to issue a special permit, but the permit was never given and Karroubi returned to Tehran.
The final group in the electorate contains individuals who do not have any political affiliation, but will nonetheless go to the polling stations to cast their vote. Some believe that participation in any election is a traditional and religious duty and that participation will demonstrate to the West that Iran is a democratic country that will not allow foreigners to make decisions on its behalf. Others vote to secure a future job, believing that if their records do not show that they voted they may face problems in gaining admission to universities or employment. They mostly fear the “elimination” process in Iran in which applicants for positions in government organizations, entities, and even universities must answer questions about their personal beliefs and behavior, in addition to their educational background and abilities. This is apparently an old fear embedded in a layer of society, which votes without even considering the candidates.
These four groups represent the primary categories and boundaries which divide people in the election season. However, the Iranian people are never predictable and may, as in a soccer match, demonstrate wonders in the final minutes of the match. Thus, undecided opposition groups or groups that do not believe in the election process may very well decide to enter the election scene. Iranians stealthily change their clothing with the seasons, ignoring the moral police’s serious warnings to follow Islamic rules. People may approach their political fashions in the same way.
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Note: This article was translated from Farsi. The opinions expressed reflect those of the author, and not necessarily those of the National Democratic Institute or The Century Foundation.
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Published on March 12, 2009
